초록
영어
The recent OT-alternative, OT-CC, has been proposed to explain phonological opacity, marking traces of phonological alternations in its intermediate forms. Although the theory successfully accounts for patterns of opacity phonology and can readily extend to other data with chains involving intermediate forms, the theory reveals some fatal problems with regard to one of its three major conditions, gradual divergence. For instance, the notion of gradual divergence fails to explain cases of insertion of a place-linked vowel, nasalization of the placeless obstruent and nasalization of an oral stop, all of which incur more than two LUMs at a time. Given that such violations of gradualness are unavoidable when dealing with these cases of phonological alternations, this paper proposes to incorporate radical and contrastive underspecification into OT-CC despite their very limited roles in the development of constraint-based approaches.
목차
1. Preliminaries
2. OT-CC and Three Conditions
(1) Three conditions in OT-CC (McCarthy 2007: 61)
(2) Constraint hierarchy for the chains in (3)
(3) Valid chains for input /pap/ under the constraint ranking in (2)(McCarthy 2007: 63)
(4) Some invalid chains for input /pap/ (McCarthy 2007: 63)
3. Inherent Problems of Gradual Divergence
3.1. Cases of Problematic Vowel Insertion
3.2. Cases of Impossible Alternations
3.3. Cases of Inherently Inclusive Violation
4. Underspecification in OT-CC
4.1. Contrastive Underspecification in Insertion
4.2. Radical Underspecification in Insertion or Nasalization
4.3. Discussion: Active [voice] for Nasals
5. Conclusion
References
