earticle

영어

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the locality conditions of English Wh-construction uniformly within the framework of the Minimalist Program proposed by Chomsky(1993, 1994, 1995). First of all, in the Government and Binding(GB) Theory analysis, the locality conditions were analyzed in terms of Subjacency Condition, Condition on Extraction Domain(CED), and Barrier, But in the Minimalist Program, there is no concept like Subjacency Condition and Government assumed in GB Theory. Instead, it is assumed that the operation of movement is triggered by the need for features of the functional head to be checked. Especially, in Attract F Principle of Chomsky(1995) based on Rizzi's(1990) Relativized Minimality, only Wh-island Constraint can be accounted for and the remaining locality conditions(i.e., Subject Condition, Adjunct Condition, and Complex NP Constraint) can not be explained. So Agbayani(1998) and Ochi(1999), unlike Chomsky(1995), propose that feature and category move to different structural positions and that they observe different locality constraints respectively. But their analyses have a lot of problems in the empirical and theoretical aspects. Therefore this paper demonstrates that Attract F Principle put forth by Chomsky(1995), Chain Uniformity Condition proposed by the author, and the [+Specific] feature proposed by Kiss(1993) are needed to analyze the locality conditions uniformly in the Minimalist Program.