earticle

영어

This paper reexamines consonant cluster (henceforth CC) simplification phenomenon found in Korean and provides an analysis focused on markedness-based Prec within the framework of Optimality Theory Candidate Chain (hereafter OT-CC) (McCarthy 2006, 2007). Given Iverson & Lee 1994, Kenstowicz 1995, M. Lee 1998 and others, Korean disfavors a complex CC. Thus, C1C2 in coda is obligatorily simplified. Interestingly, Korean CC-reduction is asymmetric. When the consonant clusters are obstruents, the first member survives. However, if C1 is a sonorant, it is removed. Further, when a consonant-initial suffix follows, CC-reduction causes a suffixial tensification. OT-CC (McCarthy 2006, 2007) allows an intermediate derivation via the faithfulness violation of candidate chains. Faithfulness violation arises gradually within a chain, resulting in markedness improvement. However, this paper argues that Precedence constraint (henceforth Prec) reflecting the violation order of faithfulness constraints does not conform to the metaconstraint requirement, B >> Prec (A, B) (McCarthy 2007). To resolve this metaconstraint conflict, this paper employes markedness-oriented Prec (Y. Lee 2006) counting the satisfaction order of markedness constraints. Given the markedness-based Prec under OT-CC, Korean CC-reduction can be dealt with in a consistent way. For the case of [pap.t'a] from /palp+ta/ 'to tread on', Prec (POT,*CC) plays a key role in blocking the competitor *[pap.t'a] resulting from the simultaneous satisfaction of POT and *CC. Note that the presence of *CC satisfaction precedes that of POT satisfaction. Further, if there is the opposition or simultaneity in the satisfaction order of markedness constraints, it causes the Prec violation as well. In Korean, underlying CC is obligatorily reduced on the surface to satisfy *CC (=No complex coda) in sacrifice of Max-type constraints. In addition, CodaCond regulates some features like [+SG], [-ant], [+cont] in coda position. Thus, these features cannot surface in Korean. As such, Prec reflecting the order of markedness satisfaction better meets the basic spirit of the ranking metaconstraint B >> Prec(A, B) and also provides a systematic analysis on Korean CC-reduction.