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The purpose of this study is to investigate the interplay between alterations in morphological case system and word order change in English double object constructions from diachronic perspective. Given the realization of overt morphological cases and nearly an equal frequency of occurrences in the linear order of ‘IO＋DO’ and ‘DO＋IO’ in late OE and early ME, it is reasonable to propose that each of them was derived from an independent underlying syntactic structure. During this period, morphological dative case was valued for an indirect object with the thematic role of recipient and morphological accusative case was valued for a direct object with that of theme. In spite of inflectional syncretism, or deflection, there were distributional variations between indirect and direct object in double object constructions from early ME to late ME. This phenomenon demonstrates that the fixing of word order in two objects was closely related to the collapsing of case-marking distinction in pronouns at the end of the ME period. The derivational constraint on word order as IO-DO and ‘DO-to＋IO’ from the late ME period was triggered by the loss of inflections and the resultant change of case valuation system from morphological case to abstract Case which came to be rendered in narrow syntax in the single complement hypothesis based on split VP configurational system.