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영어

This paper explores an eliminative approach to understanding the so-called Extended Projection Principle (EPP). The EPP-feature should be eliminated, because it is not only conceptually unnecessary but also uninformative. In addition, it is redundant in that the Case and Agreement system proposed in Chomsky(1999, 2000) and Grohman, Drury & Castillo(2000) plays its role in every grammatical phenomena. It is shown that in a number of constructions the EPP does not hold at all, or can be replaceable into other independently required mechanism. We examined such constructions as ECM, raising, control, and inversion. We have some consequences as follows. First, NP movement is triggered by Case-checking. Case is assumed to be discharged by the empty φ-set proposed in Grohman, Drury & Castillo(2000). NP movement is not possible into the specifier position of the defective tense, because Tdef is assumed to have no empty φ-set. Second, there is no successive cyclic movement, because of the defectiveness of intermediate specifier position of non-finite clauses. Third, the control module is eliminated from the grammar, because PRO is not licensed any longer in this study.