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If kes in the head position of NP has no argument status in its preceding clause, then it undertakes a certain functional role, whereas kes in the head position of NP is a referential head if it is related to a variable or precedent in its preceding clause. In this paper, kes in the HiRC construction is an anaphor, which cannot be distributive. The bare noun like haksayng, which is generic, bears a collective reading, which cannot license the distributivity of its following tul-marked anaphor caki; hence, bare nouns cannot serve as an antecedent of a distributive floating quantifier. This is complementary in that the third person singular can occur with its c-commanding anaphor bearing overlapping reference. The anaphor kes in the sentence is collective, which is what bare nouns show. On the other hand, the distributivity of the tul-marked kes in the HeRC can be reconstructed to the original site in order for the distributor kakkak or a tul-marked adverbial to be licensed. The noun kes can also have a distributive meaning, when the plural marker tul is attached to it. While the reflexive anaphor should be c-commanded by its antecedent, the donkey anaphor is not c-commanded. In this vein, kes in the HiRC and the donkey anaphor have a property in common. However, the two anaphors are different in the sense that while the former bears an exclusive collectivity, the latter can bear a distributivity.