earticle

영어

The purpose of this paper is to argue that the nature of the Korean logophoric reflexives caki-casin and ku-casin is distinct from that of the English logophoric reflexives myself, and yourself and the Korean logophoric reflexive caki. Presumably when an NP occurs as the antecedent of caki, the logophoric reflexive caki can refer to the hearer in the discourse equally as well as to a linguistic antecedent. This result in Korean is predicted, given the hypothesis that caki is either non-referential or referential. Ku-casin and caki-casin in the same context, on the other hand, cannot refer to the hearer and uniquely refer to a linguistic antecedent since they are non-referential NPs. When a plural NP occurs as the antecedent of caki, the availability of the hearer as the referent of caki provides confirmation that caki is referential. However, caki-casin and ku-casin refer to an entity such as a linguistic antecedent other than the speaker or the hearer since they are inherently non-referential. As in the case of a conjunct NP, when a QP occurs as the antecedent, we obtain the same result. This result seems to crucially show that when a QP occurs as the antecedent, caki is referential so that it can be interpreted as related to the hearer. First person reflexives and second person reflexives in English can occur without an antecedent in blatant violation of condition A. The Korean logophoric reflexive caki behaves in the same way as English SELF anaphors since it gets its meaning by referring to a discourse element such as the hearer. However, the Korean logophoric reflexives ku-casin and caki-casin are used in Korean for referring to an entity such as a linguistic antecedent other than the speaker or the hearer even when they occur without their antecedents.