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Long-distance Anaphor Binding in Lower Subject Positions

원문정보

Lee Doo-Won

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초록

영어

Unlike the anaphor in the embedded non-subject position, the anaphor in the embedded subject position cannot be long-distance bound to the higher object or dative argument. The pronoun in the embedded subject position can be freely coindexed with any higher arguments such as a subject, object or dative argument across the clause boundary. On the other hand, the embedded null subject position in Korean, which is pro, can alternate with the anaphor only when the controller is a higher subject. In Korean, control is triggered by factors such as the semantics of the controlling predicate. Not only pro but also other lexical NP can appear in the null argument position. The long-distance anaphor caki ‘self’ can only be substituted for an embedded controlled null subject in the cases of the higher subject controller. The higher dative topichood doesn’t make an impact on the interpretation of the anaphor. More important, the subject of the secondary predicates of the resultative sentence, the imperative construction and the lower non-finite clause of seltukha ‘persuade’ sentences is typically a null argument (i.e., pro), which can freely alternate with the pronoun coindexed with the higher controller or an arbitrary pronoun, but not with the anaphor. As a result, it follows that a subject is the strongest trigger for anaphor binding of the lower subject across the clause boundary.

목차

I. Introduction
 II. Previous Researches
  2.1. Cho’s (2006) Benefactive Predicate
  2.2. Kim’s (2013) Topichood
  2.3. Kuno’s (1987) Preferable Trigger for Anaphor Binding
 III. PRO vs. pro
 IV. Overt Pronoun vs. Long-distance Anaphor in Null Subject Positions
  4.1. Pro in the Clausal Key Constructions
  4.2. Pro in the Jussive Constructions
  4.3. Choe’s (2006) Null Subject Position in Seltukha ‘persuade’ Sentences
 V. Conclusion
 Works Cited
 Abstract

저자정보

  • Lee Doo-Won 이두원. Korea Nat'I Univ. of Transportation

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