원문정보
초록
영어
This paper examines how extraction of an NP out of an object DP is possible given the Complex NP Island constraint. Since the Complex NP Island Constraint prohibits extraction of an element out of CP or DP, it is puzzling how a sub-element is extracted out of DPs in certain cases. This paper shows that DPs which allow extraction of their sub-elements have definite determiners which do not project any definite meaning or sense to noun heads. This paper also show that this is due to fact that the merge of definite determiner the with a noun is not semantically triggered but simply the result of syntactic merge operation. The optionality attested in the use of the for this type of DPs is compelling evidence which supports this claim. Second, I also argue that extraction out of an indefinite DP having a PP as its complement is determined by the scope of the PP. The scope of a PP can expand as proposed by Park (2014). I show that the expansion of the scope of a PP is triggered by the interface of the meaning of the main verb and the denotation of the object DP. Lastly, I briefly address the asymmetry attested in the extraction out of subject and object.
목차
II. NP extraction and PP scope
III. Semantics of NPs and NP Extraction
IV. Subject and Object Asymmetry in DP Extraction
V. Conclusion
Works Cited
Abstract