earticle

영어

In the Minimalist Program proposed by Chomsky(1993, 1994, 1995), there is no concept like Subjacency Condition and Government assumed in GB Theory. Instead, it is assumed that the operation of movement is triggered by the need for features of the functional head to be checked. In detail, Attract F Principle of Chomsky(1995) based on Rizzi's(1990) Relativized Minimality requires attraction of the relevant feature of the closer element. This principle can account for Wh-island Constraint, but it has trouble dealing with the remaining locality conditions such as Subject Condition and Adjunct Condition. This paper aims to analyze the locality conditions of English Wh- construction uniformly and also explain that-t effect effectively. To do so, this paper accepts Attract F Principle of Chomsky(1995) and suggests Chain Uniformity Condition based on the Copy Theory of Movement. Under these two assumptions, this paper demonstrates that both the remaining locality conditions including Wh- island Constraint and that-t effect can fall under the proper account, and even Adverbial effect can be analyzed as well, even if it is required to pursue the further study in the future