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This paper aims at analysing the control structures in English as involving DP-movement and Feature attraction of a single DP. Hornstein(1999) and O'Neil(1997) subsume control under overt DP-movement; thus the controller is generated in thematic position within the control sentence and then moves to its surface position through a higher thematic position. But Hornstein(1999) puts the control phenomenon in promise-infinitives aside and simply treats it as an exception to MDP. O'Neil(1997) also analyses control structures as involving DP movement. However, he analyses the want-infinitives with a lexical subject similar to object constructions. And the control shift in promise and ask, scream-infinitive constructions can't be properly explained within his analysis. The two analyses above are not consistent with Chomsky's(1995) view that DP traces do not have reconstruction effect. Manzini & Roussou(2000) also argue for subsuming control under A-movement, but they adopt a representational view of syntax and claim that A-movement does not really exist. Rather, “raised” elements are merged directly into their surface positions and relate to their predicate via theta feature attraction. Manzini & Roussou(2000) can explain the absence of reconstruction with A-movement, but they seem to have several problems; wh-movement is left obscure and they don't offer the explanation about the effect on A-movement in French raising constructions. Therefore, when control constructions are analysed as DP movement or Feature attraction, the derivational approach is superior to representational one much like Manzini & Roussou's (2000).