원문정보
피인용수 : 0건 (자료제공 : 네이버학술정보)
초록
영어
This paper argues that the maximal surface syllable structure in Korean is (C)V(C), with the single onset consonant and the single coda consonant optional and with the syllable peak non-branching. Specifically, there is no glide between the onset consonant and the peak vowel regardless of the position of the alleged glide whether it would be part of a complex onset or part of a branching nucleus. Supporting arguments are from the conspiracy effect in loanword adaptations, loanword adaptations of consonant-glide and consonant-liquid clusters, the distribution of the glide [ɰ], palatal variants of non-plosives before a vowel other than [i], and hiatus tolerance.
목차
I. Introduction
II. Consonant Cluster Adaptations in Loanwords
2.1. No Consonant-Glide Sequence in Loanwords
2.2. Lack of Consonant-Liquid Clusters
III. High Back Unround Glide
IV. Palatal Allophones : Coronal Non-stops and Laryngeal
V. Optionality of Hiatus Resolution to Avoid a CGV Sequence
VI. Conclusion
References
Abstract
II. Consonant Cluster Adaptations in Loanwords
2.1. No Consonant-Glide Sequence in Loanwords
2.2. Lack of Consonant-Liquid Clusters
III. High Back Unround Glide
IV. Palatal Allophones : Coronal Non-stops and Laryngeal
V. Optionality of Hiatus Resolution to Avoid a CGV Sequence
VI. Conclusion
References
Abstract
키워드
저자정보
참고문헌
자료제공 : 네이버학술정보