earticle

영어

This paper investigates how constraints are used in traditional generative phonology and Optimality Theory. In the traditional framework, constraints apply not only to surface representations, but also to the sequential procedure which derives the output from the input. Constraints are not allowed to be violated in this step-by-step derivation,. However, the status of constraints in Optimality Theory is fundamentally different from the way constraints have employed in earlier generative phonological frameworks. In terms of OCP and Coda Conditions, I show that the traditional notion of inviolability of constraints has been radically changed in OT. Higher ranked constraints end up surface-unviolated whereas lower-ranked constraints end up surface-violated. In this framework, it is possible that the attested form violates a number of constraints but is still the optimal candidate.