초록
영어
The aim of this paper is to deal with the co-occurrence of opacity and transparency found in Modern Hebrew under the regime of Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) and Precedence (Prec) constraint based upon markedness satisfaction. This paper observes that Prec with faithfulness violation misleads the case of Modern Hebrew as a counterexample to OT-CC. In Modern Hebrew, when the suffix /-ti/ is attached to a stem ending in /ʕ/, the stem vowel becomes lowered before a consonant cluster. However, the stem ends in /ʔ/, its vowel height remains intact. /ʔ/-deletion bleeds vowel lowering while vowel lowering counterbleeds /ʕ/-deletion. This rule sandwiching effect is under control via OT-CC with markedness-oriented Prec (MOP). Prec with faithfulness violation causes a side-effect of overapplied vowel lowering in bleeding since its role is not vacuous nor redundant but pivotal. As an alternative, MOP can get rid of the analytic stigma of Prec with faithfulness violation under OT-CC.
목차
1. Introduction
2. Rule Sandwiching Effect of Modern Hebrew
3. Problematic Status of Prec with FaithfulnessViolation in Metaconstraint
3.1. The Failure of Prec with Faithfulness Violation
3.2. The Conflict of Metaconstraint
4. MOP-based Reanalysis on Modern Hebrew
5. Conclusion
References