초록 열기/닫기 버튼
The source of exhaustivity observed in some i/ka-marked DPs in Korean has been a point of controversy among linguists (Schütze 1996, Yoon 2004, Choi 2005, among others). In this paper, I argue that the exhaustivity is a result of movement to a functional projection outside of the vP, presumably to [Spec, FP] (cf. Kiss 1998). The proposed movement is mostly not visible at the surface, due to Korean being a head-final language. However, subjects located outside of the vP show difference in their behaviors with regards to genericity and presuppositionality (Diesing 1992), and those behaviors are observed in exhaustive i/ka-marked DPs, but not in non-exhaustive i/ka-marked DPs. That exhaustivity in Korean is attained via movement is in accordance with observation made by Kiss (1998) that identificational focus in English and German are attained via movement.
