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This paper discusses a variety of approaches that have been proposed to address the empirical distinction between stage-level predicates and individual-level predicates and claims that Kratzer's (1995) proposal that assigns a Davidsonian event argument only to stage-level predicates at the semantic level is the adequate account. In weighing various alternative views, this paper primarily uses the grammaticality contrast that is found with respect to distributive adjunct phrases in particular, the structural ambiguity of prepositional phrases in general and English small clauses as crucial supporting evidence. This paper shows that the semantic account by de Swart (1991), the pragmatic approach by Maienborn (2004), and the syntactic account by Park (1996) lack adequacy while Kratzer's work is explanatory in a simple way. Thus, this paper concludes that the two levels of predicates must be represented in the grammar by letting only the stage-level predicates have the event argument.
