세습무권에 속하던 호남지역에서 세습무가 점차 사라지고 있다. 도시화가 진행된 광주광역시에서도 마찬가지다. 그런데 세습무계 출신 무녀와 악사들이 굿 수요를 따라 광주로 이사해 활동하고 있다. 2007년 12월 현재 광주에서 활동하는 세습무 가계 출신 무녀는 3명 정도다. 박선애 무녀는 전남 고흥 세습무계인 박운기－김명례 부부의 딸로 악사인 남편 심재문과 2006년 5월 순천에서 광주로 이사했다. 그는 해남 우수영 출신인 시어머니 김경례의 굿 사설과 친정 어머니 사설을 섞어 사설을 4~5시간짜리로 줄여 연행한다. 광주에서 활동하는 오춘자 무녀는 전남 해남 북평면의 세습무계 출신의 강신무다. 오씨 무녀는 1991년께부터 광주를 오가며 굿을 하다가 2003년 광주로 이사해 세습무 굿을 잇고 있다.대도시인 광주의 세습무 활동의 현재적 양상과 굿 변화실태는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 세습무 출신 무녀와 악사들이 광주로 옮겨와 세습무굿의 맥락을 잇고 있다. 대도시에서 새로운 굿 수요가 창출되면서 시군 지역의 무녀들이 이사해 거처를 옮겼다. 둘째, 광주의 굿판에서 강신무 계열의 점쟁이들이 세습무보다 영향력이 커지고 있다. 셋째, 법사와 보살 등 강신무가 세습무의 굿에 참여해 함께 굿을 연행하고 있다. 이들은 굿을 시작하기 전이나 굿 중간에 독경을 하거나, 일부 굿거리를 대신 맡기도 한다. 넷째, 무녀가 굿거리 사설을 축소해 연행하는 것이 일반화되고 있다. 굿이 길어지는 것을 싫어하는 의뢰인의 기호에 맞추고, 굿 비용을 고려해 굿 연행 시간을 조절하는 것이다. 다섯째, 도시의 굿은 일반적으로 굿당에서 연행된다. 광주의 경우 1978년 “무등산 타잔 사건”이후 굿당이 생기기 시작해 지금은 광주와 인근 시군에 13곳이 운영되고 있다. 이처럼 대도시인 광주에선 전통적인 굿이 의뢰인의 기호 등 현실적인 사정에 맞게 상당히 많이 변형되고 있다는 것을 알 수 있다. 세습무 전통굿에 대한 연구도 체계적인 연구와 함께 도시에서 행해지는 굿이 달라지는 현재적 양상과 변화실태를 지속적으로 고찰하는 실증적 연구가 필요하다.

The hereditary shamanism is declining even in Honam, one of the regions traditionally reputed for it. The same is true with Gwang-ju Metropolitan City, most urbanized throughout the region. As of December 2007, there are only around 3 hereditary shamans in Gwang-ju. This paper examines the present aspect of shamanism in big cities, in particular by focusing on the activities of hereditary female shamans having moved to Gwang-ju. As a daughter of Park Woon-gi and Gim Myung-rye, both of whom are hereditary shamans in Goheung, Jeonnam Province, Park Seon-ai moved to Gwang-ju from Sun-cheon in May 2006 along with her husband, a traditional musician. She performs gut (meaning, Korean traditional exorcism performed by shamans) for 4 to 5 straight hours, which is, to be exact, a short mixture of her mother’s and her mother-in-law’s. Another hereditary female shaman Oh Choon-ja is from Hae-nam. She had come to Gwang-ju from time to time for performing gut since 1991 while based on Hae-nam, and in the end moved into Gwang-ju in 2003. The present state of hereditary shamanism and the transformation of gut in Gwang-ju can be summarized as follows: First, hereditary female shamans have moved to Gwang-ju, succeeding to the line of connection of gut. They moved from smaller areas like a town or county and settled down in the metropolitan city as new demand for gut has been on the rise there. Second, spiritualists are exerting more influence in Gwang-ju than hereditary shamans in performing gut rituals. Third, spiritualists, also called as beopsa or bosal, are taking part in and performing gut along with hereditary shamans. They chant the Buddhist scripture prior to or right in the middle of a gut performance. Not only that, they sometimes perform part of the ritual on behalf of hereditary shamans. Fourth, it is nothing unusual to see that hereditary shamans now perform a shorter gut ritual by cutting down its story and songs. They tend to reduce the time taken for completing a performance in order to cater for the recent new taste of clients, who dislike a long and dragging ritual. Cost reduction is also a factor in the adjustment. Last, in big cities like Gwang-ju, gut is usually performed in gutdang, a type of shrine specifically for carrying out the ritual. The first of it came into existence in the wake of the incident of “Tarzan in Mt. Moo-deung,” which took place in 1987. As of now, a total of 13 gutdangs are being run throughout Gwang-ju and its neighbouring towns/counties. In conclusion, the traditional gut ritual has gone through a massive transformation in big cities like Gwang-ju to be accommodated to the changing circumstances such as shifting needs of clients now more in favor of shortness. There is no doubt that the study of traditional hereditary gut performance should be continued. However, it is also important to keep paying careful attention to the present aspect of gut, being performed usually in a gutdang or house to practically examine its transformational process and the background behind such changes.

The hereditary shamanism is declining even in Honam, one of the regions traditionally reputed for it. The same is true with Gwang-ju Metropolitan City, most urbanized throughout the region. As of December 2007, there are only around 3 hereditary shamans in Gwang-ju. This paper examines the present aspect of shamanism in big cities, in particular by focusing on the activities of hereditary female shamans having moved to Gwang-ju. As a daughter of Park Woon-gi and Gim Myung-rye, both of whom are hereditary shamans in Goheung, Jeonnam Province, Park Seon-ai moved to Gwang-ju from Sun-cheon in May 2006 along with her husband, a traditional musician. She performs gut (meaning, Korean traditional exorcism performed by shamans) for 4 to 5 straight hours, which is, to be exact, a short mixture of her mother’s and her mother-in-law’s. Another hereditary female shaman Oh Choon-ja is from Hae-nam. She had come to Gwang-ju from time to time for performing gut since 1991 while based on Hae-nam, and in the end moved into Gwang-ju in 2003. The present state of hereditary shamanism and the transformation of gut in Gwang-ju can be summarized as follows: First, hereditary female shamans have moved to Gwang-ju, succeeding to the line of connection of gut. They moved from smaller areas like a town or county and settled down in the metropolitan city as new demand for gut has been on the rise there. Second, spiritualists are exerting more influence in Gwang-ju than hereditary shamans in performing gut rituals. Third, spiritualists, also called as beopsa or bosal, are taking part in and performing gut along with hereditary shamans. They chant the Buddhist scripture prior to or right in the middle of a gut performance. Not only that, they sometimes perform part of the ritual on behalf of hereditary shamans. Fourth, it is nothing unusual to see that hereditary shamans now perform a shorter gut ritual by cutting down its story and songs. They tend to reduce the time taken for completing a performance in order to cater for the recent new taste of clients, who dislike a long and dragging ritual. Cost reduction is also a factor in the adjustment. Last, in big cities like Gwang-ju, gut is usually performed in gutdang, a type of shrine specifically for carrying out the ritual. The first of it came into existence in the wake of the incident of “Tarzan in Mt. Moo-deung,” which took place in 1987. As of now, a total of 13 gutdangs are being run throughout Gwang-ju and its neighbouring towns/counties. In conclusion, the traditional gut ritual has gone through a massive transformation in big cities like Gwang-ju to be accommodated to the changing circumstances such as shifting needs of clients now more in favor of shortness. There is no doubt that the study of traditional hereditary gut performance should be continued. However, it is also important to keep paying careful attention to the present aspect of gut, being performed usually in a gutdang or house to practically examine its transformational process and the background behind such changes.