肅宗代 西人이 老․少論으로 분열되기에 이른 것은 仁祖代 이래 국가적 위기에 대한 대처 방안을 두고 나타난 현실 인식의 차이에서 유래되었다. 主和論과 斥和論, 公義論과 私義論, 尊君論과 世道論, 破朋黨論과 君子 一朋黨論의 대립은 朱子學 政治論이 이러한 현실 인식을 매개로 變通論과 義理論의 대립 구도 속에서 분화되고 있음을 보여준다. 이러한 분화는 조정과 재야를 막론하고 모두 일어났다. 이것은 趙光祖에서 李珥로 이어지는 서인 계열 朱子學 政治思想이 17세기 ‘國家再造’ 방략과 관련하여 進步․改革 노선과 保守․改良 노선으로 분화되고 있음을 반영한 것이었다. 최석정이 先代에서는 주화론과 척화론으로 대립하였음에도 불구하고 숙종대에 윤선거․윤증 부자를 옹호한 것은 變通論 진영의 현실 인식의 동질성을 반영한 것이었다. 숙종대 형성된 소론 당인들은 인조대의 주화파, 효종․현종대의 경세관료들이 견지한 변통론을 계승 발전시켜 조정에서 실천하려는 세력이 중심이 되었으며, 이들의 정치론은 박세채의 황극탕평론으로 집약되었다. 최석정은 스승 박세채의 황극탕평론을 계승하여 법과 제도의 개혁을 통해서 새로운 국가 체제를 구축하고자 시도하였다. 특히 그가 박세채의 『續大典』 편찬론을 이어서 각종 법전 정비와 제도 마련에 심혈을 기울인 것은 당시의 지배층이었던 兩班․地主․土豪의 전횡이 朱子學 敎化論만으로는 제어되지 않는 현실을 극복하기 위한 노력이었다. 그가 조부인 최명길의 관제변통론을 계승하여, 비변사의 개혁을 통해서 王權論에 입각한 大臣 責任政治를 구현하고자 한 것도 주자학 정치론에 입각한 公論政治의 폐단을 극복해 보려는 시도였다. 또한 그는 지주제의 모순에도 관심을 기울여 箕田이나 井田에 대한 긍정적 인식을 갖고 兪集一의 方田法을 적극 지지하였다. 아울러 강원도의 양전사업을 적극 추진하여 甲戌量田 이후 문란해진 田品 登第를 바로 잡아서 蕩平의 원리를 구현하려 하였다. 나아가서 그가 比摠制와 里定法를 주장한 것은 국가 권력을 강화시켜 양반과 지주의 특권을 부정하려는 시도였다. 결국 최석정은 봉건국가의 집권력 강화를 통한 공적 영역의 확장, 공법 질서의 확립에 의한 국가체제의 혁신을 통해서 양반제와 지주제의 모순을 극복하고자 시도한 것이다. 이것은 이후 18세기 탕평책의 중요한 특징이었는데, 최석정에 의해서 그러한 방향성이 확고하게 구축되었던 것이다. 갑술환국 이후 최석정의 이러한 새로운 국가 구상은 노론 의리론자들의 집요한 반발에 직면하여 충분히 구현되지 못하였지만 영․정조대 탕평책을 통해서 점차 그 모습을 드러내게 된다.

The spilt of the Sŏin (Westerner) into the Noron (Patriarch’s faction) and Soron (Disciples’ faction) during the reign of King Sukchong was the result of the gap in the perceptions of reality which emerged during the establishment of countermeasures for the national crisis that began during the reign of King Injo. There were conflicts between advocates of the Chuhwaron (主和論, make peace with the Qing) and Ch΄ŏkhwaron (斥和論, reject the Qing), between the proponents of factionalism and a one party system. These conflicts clearly prove that the political theories which developed based on the Chu Hsi School of Thought became more diverse amidst the struggles between advocates of the Pyŏnt´ongnon (變通論, reform of the government structure) and those which supported Ŭiriron (義理論, moral justice). This divergence in political theories surfaced not only within the government, but also among those who were out of political power. This trend was reflected in the fact that the Chu Hsi School of Political Thought advocated by the Sŏin (Westerner) group, which had been passed all the way down from Cho Kwangjo to Yi Yi, split into progressive/reform and conservative/ improvement policy lines over the national reconstruction strategy which should be adopted in the 17th century. The Soron faction formed during the reign of King Sukchong became the group which pushed for the further development of the notion of Pyŏnt´ongnon (變通論) advanced by those who advocated the Chuhwaron (主和論) during the reign of King Injo and those government officials who pushed for reform during the reigns of King Hyojong and Hyŏnjong. The political theory of this Soron faction was given form by Pak Sech΄ae’s Hwanggŭk t΄angp΄yŏngron (皇極蕩平論, royal authority‐oriented policy of impartiality). Having inherited his teacher Pak Sech΄ae’s theory, Ch΄oe Sŏkchŏng attempted to establish a new national structure that was based on the reforms of existing laws and institutions. Following his calls for the compilation of the Soktaejŏn (續大典, Supplement to the National Code), Ch΄oe turned his attention to modifying the national codes and institutions as part of efforts to overcome a reality in which the arbitrariness of members of the ruling class such as the yangban, landlords, and local powerful households (t΄oho) could not be overcome based on the teachings of the Chu Hsi School of Thought. His decision to opt for the further development of his grandfather Ch΄oe Myŏnggil’s theory of government reform rather than the Wanggwŏnnon (王權論, theory of sovereignty) was also motivated by a desire to overcome the obnoxious practices of Confucian Deliberative Politics (kongnon chŏngch΄i) rooted in the Chu Hsi School of Political Thought by establishing a system of responsible politics through the reform of the Pibyŏnsa (Border Defense Council). Ch΄oe Sŏkchŏng paid close attention to the inherent contradictions of the landlord system and actively supported the introduction of the Pangjŏnbŏp (方田法, land survey for equitable taxation) suggested by Yu Chipil. He also intended to implement a land survey in Kangwŏn Province in order to emend land classifications which had become distorted in the aftermath of the land survey of 1634, and to actualize the principle of impartiality (t΄angp΄yŏng). Furthermore, his calls for the introduction of the Pich΄ongje (比摠制, method of collecting land tax) and Yijŏngbŏp (里定法, method of making up for shortages of soldiers) were closely related to his desire to strengthen the national authority and remove the privileges of the yangban and landlord class. As such, Ch΄oe Sŏkchŏng intended to overcome the contradictory structure of the yangban and landlord system by expanding the public sphere through the strengthening of the power of the central government and bring innovation to the state structure through the establishment of an order based on public law. These measures established by Ch΄oe Sŏkchŏng became important elements of the impartiality policy (t΄angp΄yŏng) implemented during the 18th century. Although Ch΄oe’s ideas for the establishment of a new state structure could not be put in place immediately because of the resistance emanating from the members of the Noron faction who advocated the notion of Ŭiriron (義理論, moral justice), they were gradually actualized through the impartiality policy (t΄angp΄yŏng) put in place during the reigns of Kings Yŏngjo and Chŏngjo.

The spilt of the Sŏin (Westerner) into the Noron (Patriarch’s faction) and Soron (Disciples’ faction) during the reign of King Sukchong was the result of the gap in the perceptions of reality which emerged during the establishment of countermeasures for the national crisis that began during the reign of King Injo. There were conflicts between advocates of the Chuhwaron (主和論, make peace with the Qing) and Ch΄ŏkhwaron (斥和論, reject the Qing), between the proponents of factionalism and a one party system. These conflicts clearly prove that the political theories which developed based on the Chu Hsi School of Thought became more diverse amidst the struggles between advocates of the Pyŏnt´ongnon (變通論, reform of the government structure) and those which supported Ŭiriron (義理論, moral justice). This divergence in political theories surfaced not only within the government, but also among those who were out of political power. This trend was reflected in the fact that the Chu Hsi School of Political Thought advocated by the Sŏin (Westerner) group, which had been passed all the way down from Cho Kwangjo to Yi Yi, split into progressive/reform and conservative/ improvement policy lines over the national reconstruction strategy which should be adopted in the 17th century. The Soron faction formed during the reign of King Sukchong became the group which pushed for the further development of the notion of Pyŏnt´ongnon (變通論) advanced by those who advocated the Chuhwaron (主和論) during the reign of King Injo and those government officials who pushed for reform during the reigns of King Hyojong and Hyŏnjong. The political theory of this Soron faction was given form by Pak Sech΄ae’s Hwanggŭk t΄angp΄yŏngron (皇極蕩平論, royal authority‐oriented policy of impartiality). Having inherited his teacher Pak Sech΄ae’s theory, Ch΄oe Sŏkchŏng attempted to establish a new national structure that was based on the reforms of existing laws and institutions. Following his calls for the compilation of the Soktaejŏn (續大典, Supplement to the National Code), Ch΄oe turned his attention to modifying the national codes and institutions as part of efforts to overcome a reality in which the arbitrariness of members of the ruling class such as the yangban, landlords, and local powerful households (t΄oho) could not be overcome based on the teachings of the Chu Hsi School of Thought. His decision to opt for the further development of his grandfather Ch΄oe Myŏnggil’s theory of government reform rather than the Wanggwŏnnon (王權論, theory of sovereignty) was also motivated by a desire to overcome the obnoxious practices of Confucian Deliberative Politics (kongnon chŏngch΄i) rooted in the Chu Hsi School of Political Thought by establishing a system of responsible politics through the reform of the Pibyŏnsa (Border Defense Council). Ch΄oe Sŏkchŏng paid close attention to the inherent contradictions of the landlord system and actively supported the introduction of the Pangjŏnbŏp (方田法, land survey for equitable taxation) suggested by Yu Chipil. He also intended to implement a land survey in Kangwŏn Province in order to emend land classifications which had become distorted in the aftermath of the land survey of 1634, and to actualize the principle of impartiality (t΄angp΄yŏng). Furthermore, his calls for the introduction of the Pich΄ongje (比摠制, method of collecting land tax) and Yijŏngbŏp (里定法, method of making up for shortages of soldiers) were closely related to his desire to strengthen the national authority and remove the privileges of the yangban and landlord class. As such, Ch΄oe Sŏkchŏng intended to overcome the contradictory structure of the yangban and landlord system by expanding the public sphere through the strengthening of the power of the central government and bring innovation to the state structure through the establishment of an order based on public law. These measures established by Ch΄oe Sŏkchŏng became important elements of the impartiality policy (t΄angp΄yŏng) implemented during the 18th century. Although Ch΄oe’s ideas for the establishment of a new state structure could not be put in place immediately because of the resistance emanating from the members of the Noron faction who advocated the notion of Ŭiriron (義理論, moral justice), they were gradually actualized through the impartiality policy (t΄angp΄yŏng) put in place during the reigns of Kings Yŏngjo and Chŏngjo.

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Sukchong, Soron, Pyŏnt´ongnon, T’angp΄yŏngron, Ch΄oe Sŏkchŏng, Pich΄ongje, Yijŏngbŏp