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This paper investigates the Right-Dislocation Construction (RDC) in Korean. We provide some novel sets of data and discuss how these data could be dealt with by the main approaches to the RDC. The major part of the data is concerned with the multiplicity of appendices (or multiplicity of RDed elements) and the restrictions imposed on their distribution. We discuss the restrictions on the distribution of multiple appendices, focusing on the following three phenomena: Case/postposition-drop, the Clause-Mate Condition effect, and Left-Branch Extraction. It is observed that the distribution of multiple appendices becomes quite restricted when they are interrelated with these phenomena. We show that the restrictions present various argument in favor of the bi-clausal ellipsis approach to the RDC. Finally, we address the issue of island-(in)sensitivity in the RDC and their implications.
