이글은 금관총에서 출토된 ‘尒斯智王’명 대도와 金冠塚의 피장자의 관계를 해명하기 위하여 大刀의 生産과 流通이라는 시각에서 서술되었다. 銘文大刀를 포함한 環頭大刀는 木棺 내부에 부장한 것이 아니라 목관 바깥 남측과 북측, 그리고 부장궤에서 출토되었다. 大刀의 銘文은 (1)‘尒斯智王’, ‘尒’, ‘十’과 (2)‘十’, ‘八’, ‘尒’로서 線刻하였다. 문자를 사용하는 방법은 3가지가 있었는데, 佩用法과 용도에 따라 正置[(1)‘尒’], 倒置[‘尒斯智王’, ‘十’, (2)‘尒’), 橫置(‘八’)로 읽는 방법이 있다. 이는 사용방법(유통)과 관련되므로 소유자를 고려한 것이었다. 명문을 새긴 방법은 선을 그어 새긴 기법과 선을 눌러 새긴 기법으로 나눌 수 있다. 명문을 새긴 시점은 (1)의 경우에 금속제 부속구를 결합하여 칼을 완성한 이후로서 끌 등의 날카로운 도구를 이용하여 새겼다. 곧 이사지왕은 명문대도를 사용한 소유자임을 알 수 있다. 내용 중에 ‘尒斯智王’은 이사지라는 이름을 가진 王이며, ‘尒’는 이사지왕의 약칭이었다. ‘十’은 사악한 기운을 물리치거나 무덤에 묻힌 靈이 무덤을 벗어나지 못하게 봉하는 의미를 가지고 있었다. 5～6세기 新羅 금석문에서는 王이라는 칭호는 ‘前世二王’ ‘七王’과 같이 보통명사로 사용하거나 ‘內智王’과 같이 고유명사로 사용되는 두 가지 예가 있다. 고유명사로서 사용하는 경우에는 국왕 밖에 없으므로 이사지왕은 新羅 國王을 지칭하는 왕호이다. 당시 신라 국왕은 왕경의 ‘新羅六部’와 지방의 小國이나 村의 干支들을 통합한 존재로서 마립간이자 왕이었다. ‘이사지왕’명 대도를 포함한 環頭大刀는 신분을 상징하는 징표였으므로 王室工房에서 제작하여 분배하였다. 따라서 이사지왕명 대도는 이사지왕이 生産의 주체이자 消費의 주체였던 것이다. 金冠塚의 피장자는 木棺 내에 大刀가 없는 것으로 보아 대도를 착용하지 않고 있었다. 銘文大刀가 피장자의 신체 부위에 착장되지 않았으므로 명문대도를 사용한 이사지왕은 금관총 피장자가 아닐 가능성이 높으며, 이사지왕은 신라 국왕을 지칭하였을 것이다. 금관총의 연대로 보아 이사지왕은 慈悲王이나 炤知王에 해당할 가능성이 있으며, 당시 이루어진 왕권 강화와 관련하여 이사지왕이라는 왕호를 해석하였다. 따라서 명문대도=이사지왕의 관계는 성립하지만 금관총의 피장자는 이사지왕이 아닌 것이다.

This article attempts to determine the relationship between a Grand Sword(大刀), which was excavated from the Geum’gwan-chong/金冠塚 mausoleum and had a title ‘Yisaji-wang(尒斯智王)’ inscribed upon it, and the person who is buried in this very tomb. The examination will focus upon the production and circulation of similarly fashioned grand swords as well. Previously, all these items and entities, the grand sword with an inscription, the Yisaji-wang king, and the person inside the Geumgwan-chong mausoleum, were considered as pointing to a singular figure. But here in this article, they are examined individually in order to find new evidences that would help us determine who this “Yisaji-wang” really was, in archaeological terms. According to the official report, the ring grand swords, including the inscribed grand sword(銘文大刀) whose position of excavation was not made clear, were not buried in the inside of the wooden coffin. They were actually buried outside of it, in the south and north sides of the coffin as well as within the outer box, to be exact. There are three inscriptions so far identified: (1) ‘尒斯智王,’ ‘尒,’ ‘十’ and (2) ‘十,’ ‘八,’ ‘尒,’ and they are all carved with lines(線刻). There seems to have been three methods of inscription, which accounted for the items’ eventual usage and circulation, and ultimately the user who would wield it. Hwandu grand swords’ (1) ‘尒斯智王’․‘十’ and (2) ‘尒’․‘十’ were inscribed upon the lower side of the sheathe in direction from the bottom to the top, and it seems like the producer intended it to be shown when the owner would hang it over its shoulder. Meanwhile, Hwandu grand sword’s (1) ‘尒’ was inscribed in the exactly opposite fashion, seemingly intending it to be shown when the sword is erected. Hwandu grand sword’s sheathe’s (2) upper section ‘八’ is inscribed horizontally, which would have been useful when the weapon is put in custody of the weapons depot for management. All these inscriptions were made when the product, a sword completed with all the metal accessories using sharp instruments including chisels, was finished. We can see that Yisaji-wang was a king who used inscribed grand swords. Among the inscribed letters, we can determine that ‘尒斯智王’ was a king with a name “Yisaji,” and that the letter “智” was used to honor this individual. ‘尒’ on the inscribed grand sword seems to be an abbreviation of Yisaji-wang’s full name. ‘十’ seems to have been used in order to repel evil energy and also prevent the spirit from ever leaving the confines of the tomb. In epigraph materials from the 5th and 6th centuries, the kings’ title sometimes surface as generic nouns such as ‘前世二王’ or ‘七王,’ while in some cases they surface as proper nouns as in ‘Naeji-wang/內智王.’ “Yisaji-wang” belongs to the case of the latter, and refers to the Shilla king. At the time, the Shilla king was a person who presided over a unified entity that engulfed the Six units(‘新羅六部’) in the capital, the little entities in local regions, as well as individual villages(村). He was a Marib-gan figure and also a king. The Hwandu grand sword was a symbol of his status and power, and must have been created in royal family’s workshop(王室工房) to be later distributed. We can say that this particular grand sword with the inscription of “Yisaji-wang” shows that this king was not only in charge of its production, but also of its usage and circulation. The person buried in the Geum’gwan-chong mausoleum shows elements of male and female attires at the same time. The figure is wearing a gold-based male-type head piece(hat-like), as well as earings which usually belonged to the females. What should be considered as an important piece of information is that there is no grand sword found inside. It means that the person buried here was not wearing such grand sword. So, the grand sword with the “Yisaji-wang” inscription upon it and the person who was buried inside Geum’gwan-chong, were not actually related. In other words, it was Yisaji-wang who wielded the inscribed grand sword, but he was not the person who was buried in Geum’gwan-chong. It seems he was buried in the Bong’hwangdae Mausoleum in the vicinity, and is believed to have been either king Jabi-wang or Soji-wang. This “Yisaji-wang” title must have been enabled as a result of the ever strengthening power and authority of the king at the time.

Yisaji-wang King(尒斯智王), Marip-gan(麻立干), Geum’gwan-chong mausoleum(金冠塚), the inscribed grand sword(銘文大刀), Bong’hwangdae Mausoleum(鳳凰臺), Production & Circulation