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The goal of this paper is to make some critical remarks on the unified approach to obligatory control (OC) and a couple of other apparently similar constructions in Korean. OC has received various accounts in the generative literature. Arguing against the previous approaches such as the binding-theoretic approach (Chomsky (1981)) and null Case approach (e.g., Chomsky and Lasnik (1993)), some studies have proposed to reduce OC dependencies into A-chain relations, getting rid of the control module (e.g., Hornstein (1999, 2001, 2003)). This line of analysis, dubbed the 'Movement Theory of Control' (MTC), has expanded their empirical coverage, arguing that OC into both infinitival and finite complements can be explained under the movement view (e.g., Boeckx et al. (2010)). Their claim has been extended by H. Lee (2011) to various Korean data,which range from OC into infinitival and jussive complements to raising constructions. Furthermore, she examines the possibility of applying the movement view to long-distance scrambling (LDS). This paper shows that although the MTC has some advantages in analyzing Korean infinitival OC constructions, the attempt to unify all the aforementioned phenomena under the movement view would run into empirical and theoretical problems. It is rather concluded that at least OC into jussive complements and LDS should be dealt with in different ways.
