초록 열기/닫기 버튼

고문서는 전통시대의 사회상이나 생활상을 생생하게 반영하고 있다는 점에서 사료로서의 막중한 가치를 지니고 있다. 우리 학계가 이러한 고문서의 가치에 깊이 주목하게 된 것은 극히 최근의 일로 그간 많은 노력을 기울여 수많은 자료가 발굴, 수집, 정리, 간행되었다. 그러나 이를 활용한 연구는 그리 활발하게 이루어지지 않았는데 이를 활용하기 위해서는 무엇보다도 새로운 연구방법론의 개발이 필요하다. 필자는 본고에서 미시사적인 연구방법론을 동원하여 조선후기 향교와 교생에게 어떠한 변화가 있었는지를 규명하였다. 필자가 본 연구를 통하여 밝혀낸 사실은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 조선 전기에는 교생의 신분과 관계없이 향교에 출입하는 사람은 모두 교생이라고 불렀는데 조선 후기에는 평민 출신만을 교생이라고 지칭하고 양반출신은 유생이라 호칭하였다. 둘째, 양반과 평민 출신의 생도들은 서로 신분이 달랐기 때문에 향교 내에서 거처하는 곳도 달랐다. 셋째, 평민 출신의 교생들은 향교와 관아에서 거행하는 각종 祭禮와 儀禮의 실무를 담당하였다. 넷째, 향교에 배당된 생도의 定額은 유생에게는 적용되지 않고 오로지 교생에게만 적용되었다. 다섯째, 향교의 임원들은 불법적인 방법으로 많은 교생을 선발한 후 이들로부터 돈을 받아 향교의 재정을 타결하려 하였는데 수령은 향교에 지원을 하지 못하자 이러한 불법 행위를 알고도 아예 눈감아 주었다. 아울러서 간혹 감사와 수령들이 향교의 개혁안을 마련하여 이를 실시하려고 하였으나 항상 양반들의 반대에 부딪혀 좌초하였다는 사실도 규명하였다. 향교의 개혁안을 가장 지지해야 할 成均館의 大司成마저 양반들과 이해 관계를 같이 하여 개혁안에 반대하는 경우도 있었다.


The historical-manuscripts must be having a extremely invaluable, in that they vividly reflect the social and living aspect of traditional age. It was not happened until recently that our learned circles would pay deep attention to a value of historical manuscripts. After that, there were abundant efforts which paved the way to find, gather, arrange and publish the numerous historical-manuscripts. But the studies of practical application about these historical material were hardly accomplished. Therefore it is indispensable to research and develop a new methodology of studies. In this Thesis, I closely examined a matter with methodology of microhistory what had be changes in hyanggyo(鄕校, a local government educational institution) and gyosaeng(校生, students in hyanggyo). As a matter of course, most of prime material in this study was historical-manuscripts. In brief, it is like this as follows What I examined. First, regardless of one's social status, anyone could be named "gyosaeng" who attend hyanggyo in former Joseon. But in later Joseon, only the common people "pyeongmin"(平民, the middle class of Joseon) could be named "gyosaeng". Second, yangban(兩班, the two upper classes of Joseon) and pyeongmin had a different place of residence in hyanggyo. Third, yusaeng(儒生, a Confucian scholars who were of yangban) attended to studies at least. But gyosaeng who were of pyeongmin took charge of practical affairs and services that were related to many kinds of ceremonies. Fourth, Jeongaek(定額, registered number of people by government) of students which local government allot to hyanggyo was not apply to yusaeng but only gyosaeng. Fifth, after executives of hyanggyo illegally picked many number of gyosaeng out, they wanted to solve a financial problem of hyanggyo due to collecting contributions from gyosaeng. Thought suryeong(守令, a local governor) knew all these fact, he would overlook an illegal process of picking out. Because suryeong could not support hyanggyo in financial way. In addition, while hyanggyo in later Joseon could not carry on its own functions and fulfill its duties, gamsa(監司, a provincial governor) and suryeong tried to make and put in operation a reform bill about hyanggyo management. But yangban had always been against to the reform bill, so governor's efforts to change the hyanggyo became in vain. Moreover occasionally even daesaseong(大司成, a chief officer in Seonggyun-gwan) of Seonggyun-gwan(成均館) who should extremely support a reform bill opposed reforming hyanggyo because their concern and interest were in company with yangban's


The historical-manuscripts must be having a extremely invaluable, in that they vividly reflect the social and living aspect of traditional age. It was not happened until recently that our learned circles would pay deep attention to a value of historical manuscripts. After that, there were abundant efforts which paved the way to find, gather, arrange and publish the numerous historical-manuscripts. But the studies of practical application about these historical material were hardly accomplished. Therefore it is indispensable to research and develop a new methodology of studies. In this Thesis, I closely examined a matter with methodology of microhistory what had be changes in hyanggyo(鄕校, a local government educational institution) and gyosaeng(校生, students in hyanggyo). As a matter of course, most of prime material in this study was historical-manuscripts. In brief, it is like this as follows What I examined. First, regardless of one's social status, anyone could be named "gyosaeng" who attend hyanggyo in former Joseon. But in later Joseon, only the common people "pyeongmin"(平民, the middle class of Joseon) could be named "gyosaeng". Second, yangban(兩班, the two upper classes of Joseon) and pyeongmin had a different place of residence in hyanggyo. Third, yusaeng(儒生, a Confucian scholars who were of yangban) attended to studies at least. But gyosaeng who were of pyeongmin took charge of practical affairs and services that were related to many kinds of ceremonies. Fourth, Jeongaek(定額, registered number of people by government) of students which local government allot to hyanggyo was not apply to yusaeng but only gyosaeng. Fifth, after executives of hyanggyo illegally picked many number of gyosaeng out, they wanted to solve a financial problem of hyanggyo due to collecting contributions from gyosaeng. Thought suryeong(守令, a local governor) knew all these fact, he would overlook an illegal process of picking out. Because suryeong could not support hyanggyo in financial way. In addition, while hyanggyo in later Joseon could not carry on its own functions and fulfill its duties, gamsa(監司, a provincial governor) and suryeong tried to make and put in operation a reform bill about hyanggyo management. But yangban had always been against to the reform bill, so governor's efforts to change the hyanggyo became in vain. Moreover occasionally even daesaseong(大司成, a chief officer in Seonggyun-gwan) of Seonggyun-gwan(成均館) who should extremely support a reform bill opposed reforming hyanggyo because their concern and interest were in company with yangban's