일제시기 항만에서는 특수한 형태의 노무조직이 노동조합이라는 이름으로 존재하였다. 노동조합은 십장에 의해 고용된 노동자들이 그들의 작업권한을 지키기 위해 십장을 중심으로 조직되었다. 일제시기에 존재한 십장제는 해방 이후에도 그대로 온존하였다. 중간관리자 십장은 대개 노동조합 분회장을 맡고 있었으며 하청업주로 군림하여 노동력 공급, 작업배치, 노무관리 등의 권한을 행사하였다. 십장제에 대한 비판운동은 1950년대 후반에 본격적으로 전개되었다. 이러한 비판운동은 대한노총 내 정대천 세력과 김기옥 세력 사이의 연합과 대립관계에서 일어난 측면이 강했다. 결국 세력 대결에서 정대천 세력이 헤게모니 장악에 실패하였으며, 김기옥을 중심으로 확고한 1인 집권체제가 형성되어 4월혁명 이전까지 권력을 장악하였다. 한편 부산부두노조에서도 1950년대 후반 김기옥의 권력의 집중과 남용을 비판하는 반김세력이 형성되었다. 이들은 1958년 11월에 정대천 세력이 폭로한 비료조작비 횡령사건을 계기로 정대천 세력과 연결하여 김기옥에 대한 비판운동을 전개한 것으로 보인다. 그러나 이러한 반김운동은 자유당의 개입으로 좌절을 겪을 수밖에 없었다. 4월혁명의 공간은 1950년대 후반 반김운동을 전개하던 노동세력의 운신 폭을 넓혀주었다. 정대천은 구세력이라는 지탄을 받으며 노동계를 떠났지만 부산부두에서는 반김운동의 대표적인 인물들이 조직을 재정비하고 김기옥 세력을 제거하는 한편 조합운영을 체계화시켜 나갔다. 이들 세력이 조합운영의 방향을 조합원의 직접⋅비밀투표에 의한 분회장 선출, 작업반장의 임명제 폐지, 조합원의 직접투표에 의한 작업반장 선출 등으로 설정한 것은 1950년대 후반에 전개된 반김운동의 연장선으로 볼 수 있다고 판단된다. 5⋅16 이후에는 4월혁명기 부산부두노조나 자유연맹에서 주도적인 활동을 했던 인사들이 일선에서 후퇴하고, 자유연맹에서 사무국장으로 재임했던 이춘희가 전국부두노동조합 위원장에 선출됨으로써 새로운 판도를 형성하였다. 새롭게 형성된 노동세력은 결성대회에서 채택된 4대 시정방침에 따라 조직운영 체계를 변화시키고자 하였다. 조합원 등록제를 실시하고, 중간착취의 온상이 되었던 반장제를 폐지하고 연락원제도를 도입하였다. 등록제에 의한 노동자 윤번배치는 노동조합의 자주성, 민주성 여하에 따라 성패가 좌우될 수 있는 것이었다. 그러나 5⋅16 이후 조직된 지부나 분회는 전국부두노동조합 위원장 이춘희가 위촉한 조직위원에 의해서, 그리고 조직위원이 포섭한 조직요원에 의해서 단기간에 하향식으로 급조되어 자주적이고 민주적인 토대를 갖추지 못하였다. 연락원제도는 4월혁명기 부산부두노조에서 운영한 내용과 비교하여 진일보한 면이 있었지만 연락원을 “분회장 추천으로 지부장”이 임명하도록 규정하고 있어 조합원들에 대한 인사권 행사, 중간착취 등을 차단하기에는 미흡한 것이었다. 이러한 문제점으로 인해 과거의 폐단은 쉽사리 제거되지 않았고, 1960년대까지 온존하였다.

This article examined reorganizing and activities of National Free Labor Union during the period of April revolution, and its reorganizing toward National Docker’s Union and management in the organization. Also this study investigated the rotations in union leadership and its attitudes from the April revolution to the May 16th military coup. It is possible to understand what labor group developed criticism campaign on foreman system which has been generated from the period of Japanese colonial rule and how the campaign has been unfolded. April revolution could give labor group that unfolded anti-Kim giok campaign more leeway to move. Representative figures in anti-Kim campaign used their influence in wharf at Busan. They set up the direction in union operation to have branch chairman election with direct and secret vote by union members, abolition of work party leader’s appointment, and election of work party leader with direct vote by union members. It is thought that their direction was extension of anti-Kim campaign. National Union’s Council was reorganized into Federation of Korean Trade Unions(FKTU) after May 16th military coup. Dockers’ union was also reorganized into National Dockers’ Union, a industrial union, on September 20 in 1961. Newly Reorganized labor group tried to change its management system according to 4 administrative policies which were decided upon in its organization conference. Member’s registration system was put into practice. Working party leader system which was a hotbed for intermediary exploitation was abolished and contact man system was initiated. New executives’ will to change the management of organization was originated in anti-Kim campaign in the latter part of 1950s and organizing experience during the April revolution. However, the management of organization like that was so nominal that foreman system retained its many evils until 1960s. National Dockers’ Union could not remove hotbed for intermediary exploitation. It meant clearly that reform never could succeed with only the will of leaders in upper organization. FKTU and industrial union under the FKTU were organized in top-down style without getting rid of deep rooted structural contradiction in subordinate organizations. Furthermore, the will to reform could not help regressing as labor organization was rearranged to the exclusion of Kim Mal Ryong’s National Union’s Council group which took the lead labor movement during the April revolution. Subordinate organizations were built in haste, so it failed to gain reformative labor leaders. The limit like that still worked in 1970s followed 1960s, so it became the major factor to define trade union movement.

This article examined reorganizing and activities of National Free Labor Union during the period of April revolution, and its reorganizing toward National Docker’s Union and management in the organization. Also this study investigated the rotations in union leadership and its attitudes from the April revolution to the May 16th military coup. It is possible to understand what labor group developed criticism campaign on foreman system which has been generated from the period of Japanese colonial rule and how the campaign has been unfolded. April revolution could give labor group that unfolded anti-Kim giok campaign more leeway to move. Representative figures in anti-Kim campaign used their influence in wharf at Busan. They set up the direction in union operation to have branch chairman election with direct and secret vote by union members, abolition of work party leader’s appointment, and election of work party leader with direct vote by union members. It is thought that their direction was extension of anti-Kim campaign. National Union’s Council was reorganized into Federation of Korean Trade Unions(FKTU) after May 16th military coup. Dockers’ union was also reorganized into National Dockers’ Union, a industrial union, on September 20 in 1961. Newly Reorganized labor group tried to change its management system according to 4 administrative policies which were decided upon in its organization conference. Member’s registration system was put into practice. Working party leader system which was a hotbed for intermediary exploitation was abolished and contact man system was initiated. New executives’ will to change the management of organization was originated in anti-Kim campaign in the latter part of 1950s and organizing experience during the April revolution. However, the management of organization like that was so nominal that foreman system retained its many evils until 1960s. National Dockers’ Union could not remove hotbed for intermediary exploitation. It meant clearly that reform never could succeed with only the will of leaders in upper organization. FKTU and industrial union under the FKTU were organized in top-down style without getting rid of deep rooted structural contradiction in subordinate organizations. Furthermore, the will to reform could not help regressing as labor organization was rearranged to the exclusion of Kim Mal Ryong’s National Union’s Council group which took the lead labor movement during the April revolution. Subordinate organizations were built in haste, so it failed to gain reformative labor leaders. The limit like that still worked in 1970s followed 1960s, so it became the major factor to define trade union movement.

National Free Labor Union, National Dockers’ Union, Federation of Korean Trade Unions, Foreman System, Lee Choon Hee, Trade Union