초록 열기/닫기 버튼
This paper shows that Korean comparatives involve degree operator movement, in contrast to Japanese comparatives. Beck et al. (2004) claim that yori 'than'-clauses in Japanese comparatives do not involve a degree variable, rather denoting individuals. Beck et al. (2004) further expect that Korean would pattern together with Japanese comparatives. However, I argue that Korean comparatives involve degree variables in the syntax, evidenced from negation island effects, no variation in acceptability, scope interactions, subcomparatives, measure phrase comparatives, and syntactic island effects.
키워드열기/닫기 버튼
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