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This paper aims to present a principled account of the process of vowel-zero alternation in domain-final empty nuclei in Korean. The domain-final empty nucleus in Korean is licensed, thus, the vowel [i] is not audible in this position. However, unlike other languages such as French, this position has restricted licensing properties. It follows from this that domain-final onset undergoes neutralization. Domain-final empty nuclei in Korean do not have government-licensing properties. and thus, double consonants undergoes simplification However, Korean contains words ending in the vowel [i]. This is a disparate phenomenon in Korean, which generally licenses domain-final empty nuclei. What is crucial in accounting for these words is the fact that they are adjectives derived from verbs. It means that they are they are morphologically complex. In other words, the suffix /p/ is added analytically to the stem, thus, the stem forms a separate phonological domain from the suffix. We see that the stem-final consonant and the suffix initial consonant form the inter-onset governing relation, and the suffixal consonant /p/ is realized as [p`] to govern the preceding onset. What is important is that a licensed empty nucleus neither licenses a negatively charmed segments [p`] before it, nor licenses the preceding governing relation formed by the two consonants. In this situation, keeping the empty mucleus as licensed will break the preceding governing relation. This could entail the loss of the suffixal consonant, because licensed empty nuclei will not license a negatively charmed segment. If this is the case, the result is no difference from the form which consists of a stem only. Thus, the governing relation between the two onsets must be maintained. In order to do so, the final onset containing [p`] must be licensed by the following nucleus. We see that unlicensing the domain-final empty nucleus is the only way to do it.
