초록 열기/닫기 버튼
Choi, Kiyong. 2006. Case alternation in the Long-form Negation Construction. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 31-3, 441-461. -Ci in the Korean long-form negation construction (LNC) shows very peculiar properties with respect to Case licensing: (a) precedence of a Case licenser, (b) an apparent violation of Case minimality, (c) a possibility of accusative licensing after -ci with an ergative predicate preceding -ci, and (d) a possibility of real Case alternation. All these four are peculiar in that the opposite case of each property is assumed to be normal in Korean Case licensing. However, it is also true that the Case licensing for -ci shares one common property with the normal Case licensing: the correlation between the possibility of NOM licensing after -ci and the ergativity of predicates preceding -ci. Thus, the issue is how to account for the differences and the similarity simultaneously. In this article, I first summarize how this issue is treated in two different approaches to the Korean LNC: a movement approach (cf. M.-Y. Kang 1998 and K. Lee 1995, 2002) and a non-movement approach which assumes the base-generated X0-adjunction structure for the LNC (cf. K. Choi 1991, 1993). I then claim that the latter is preferable to the former. One important implication of the claim is that Case be licensed in Korean not in terms of SPEC-head, but in terms of Agree (Chomsky 2000, 2001a, b). (Kwangwoon University)
키워드열기/닫기 버튼
Case alternation, Long-form negation, Agree, SPEC-head, Case minimality, base-generated X0-adjunction
