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Kwak, Hye-Young & Miseon Lee. 2010. Interpretive Preferences in L1 Korean Universal Quantifier-negation Patterns. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 35-3, 531-542. It is well known that a sentence containing both a negative and a quantifier, such as Mary didn't eat all the cookies is ambiguous: if all has scope over not, the sentence has the full set interpretation (i.e., Mary didn't eat any cookies.) while it has the partitioned set interpretation (i.e., Mary ate some of the cookies.) if not has wide scope. Interestingly, it has been reported that children strongly prefer one of the two interpretations across languages. In this study, we investigate Korean L1 children's and adults' preferences in interpreting Korean <motun ‘all/every’ + Object NP + an ‘not’> sentences, and account for those interpretive preferences by applying the processor-based emergentist account proposed by O'Grady (2005, 2008), which claims that the scope preference can be explained by the processor's role to minimize the processing load. (Korea University, Hanyang University)